Perhaps, the most famous stage direction in the Shakespeare canon occurs in The Winter’s Tale and involves the doomed character Antigonus. He leaves the play abruptly after abandoning the banished baby Perdita on the shores of a distant land: “Exit pursued by a bear,” reads the stage-direction. We soon discover that Antigonus doesn’t survive, and the grisly details of his being devoured alive are recounted on stage by a witness.
This moment in the play has been testing the creativity of directors for centuries as they struggle to stage the dramatic chase. Some project the image of a large bear on a backdrop, as in the pic above, while others use an actor dressed in a costume. In Tudor theater, it is possible they often worked with a real, trained bear. The use of bears in live entertainments predates Shakespeare.
But the history of the scene dates back further. Indeed, as noted in our book, Thomas North’s 1555 Travel Journal: From Italy to Shakespeare,the name, language, and elements of the storyline of the banished-Antigonus, actually derive from a similar scene involving North’s Dial of Princes. And North marked those passages on pages 452-3 of his Dial:
When we first meet with Antigonus in the translation, we are not made privy to his whole story. Still, it is startling to see that his plight is compared to being eaten alive by a bear:
The wretched Antigonus wrote Emperor Marcus Aurelius complaining about the injustice of his banishment. The emperor responded with letters of sympathy about the cruelty of the judgment against him, lamenting that “Judges are so greedy to tear men’s flesh, as if they were bears and man’s flesh were nointed with honey” (238v/ 381).
Thomas North’s 1555 Travel Journal: From Italy to Shakespeare
Later in in the translation, we learn the full history of Antigonus’s fate, which includes a great number of parallels with the tale of Antigonus in The Winter’s Tale. Again quoting our book on North’s diary, Thomas North’s 1555 Travel Journal.
These elements of the story of Antigonus [in The Dial] are reflected in the Antigonus subplot of The Winter’s Tale. That subplot also includes fear and stress leading to a premature delivery; the furious judgment against Antigonus and baby Perdita; the banishment to the coast of Sicily; a focus on the ominous darkening of the skies; the fear that this was punishment by angry gods; the loud and riotous storm that killed all the Mariners; and the raging and roaring of the bear, which eats Antigonus alive
Thomas North’s 1555 Travel Journal: From Italy to Shakespeare
Antigonus and the Dual Story of the Dark Storm and Roaring Bears on the Coast of Sicily in The Dial of Princes
Antigonus and the Dual Story of the Dark Storm and Roaring Bear on the Coast of Sicily in The Winter’s Tale
And all the people … with doleful clamorsand cries, making their importunate prayers. the Lions with terrible voicesroaring, thebearswith no less fearfulcriesraging… there appeared in the element a marvelous dark cloud, which seemed to darken the whole earth, and therewith it began to thunder and lightning so terrible … At the same time when this woeful chance happened in the Isle, there dwelled a Roman in the same City called Antigonus, a man of a noble blood, and well stricken in age, who with his wife and daughter were banished two years before from Rome…. The Censors … banished him unto the Isle of Sicily… Antigonuswas not only deprived of his honor, goods, and country, but also by an Earth-quake, his house fell down to the ground, and slew his dearly beloved daughter. –728-30
Antigonus: Thou art perfect then, our ship hath touched upon/ The deserts of Bohemia [i.e., Sicily]? Mariner: Ay, my lord, and fear We have landed in ill time: the skies look grimly And threaten present blusters. In my conscience, The heavens with that we have in hand are angry And frown upon ’s…. Besides, this place is famous for the creatures Of prey that keep upon’t. Antigonus: The storm begins … The day frowns more and more. Thou’rt like to have A lullaby too rough. I never saw The heavens so dim by day. A savageclamor! … [Exit, pursued by a bear…] Clown: I would you did but see how it chafes,how itrages … Oh, the most piteouscryof the poor souls! … how he criedto me for help and said his name was Antigonus, a nobleman. But to make an end of the ship: to see how the sea flapdragoned it! But first, how the poor souls roaredand the sea mocked them, and how the poor gentleman roared and the bear mocked him, both roaring louder than the sea or weather. –3.3.106, 1-7, 11-12, 48, 53-55, 86-88, 93-99
Element … dark
heavens so dim
called Antigonus, aman of a noble blood
his name was Antigonus, a nobleman
roaring, the bears
thebear mocked him, both roaring
clamors, doleful-cries, raging
clamor, piteous cry, rages
the Isle of Sicily
The deserts of Bohemia [i.e., Sicily]
This is of course unique. Indeed, an EEBO search for just two of the shared elements — the noble Antigonus and the roaring bear–yields only North’s Dial of Princes and The Winter’s Tale:[1]
Notice in North’s Dial, the banishment of Antigonus is to Sicily, while in Shakespeare’s extant version of The Winter’s Tale, Antignous is sent from Sicily to Bohemia. But as is well known, when Shakespeare was writing the work (the story of which had also appeared in Greene’s Pandosto) he actually switched the kingdoms — and did so for political reasons (see Thomas North’s 1555 Travel Journal: From Italy to Shakespeare). Thus, in North’s original, Antigonus was sent with Perdita to Sicily — just like his namesake and his doomed daughter in The Dial.
Finally, investigative journalist Michael Blanding (author of North by Shakespeare: A Rogue Scholar’s Quest for the Truth Behind the Bard’s Work) was the one who first noticed resemblances between the stories of Antigonus in North’s Dial of Princes and Antigonus in The Winter’s Tale. His attention had first been drawn to the story because of North’s marginal notes.
[1] An EEBO-ProQuest search for Antigonus NEAR Noble* AND roaring NEAR the PRE/0 bears yields only The Dial and The Winter’s Tale.
In North’s own copy of his translation of the 1582 edition of The Dial of Princes, the translator adds a marginal note highlighting the “description of sorrow (Fol. 296 in 1582 edition; 475 in 1619 ed.) The passage describes how people act when they are depressed: they crave solitude, hate the day, love the night, and their sighs go upward to the heavens while their tears water the earth below:
“For truly the man which is sorrowful, sigheth inthe day, watcheth in the night, delighteth not in company, and with only care he resteth. The light he hateth, the darkness he loveth,withhis bittertearshe watereth the earth, with heavysighshe pierceth the heavens.”
(The “Description of Sorrow” passage marked in North’s Dial)
This passage is similar to one that appears just eight pages later—in which, again, it is stressed that the sorrowful want to be alone (“lock themselves into their own chambers”), and again their tears fall to the earth while sighs move upward:
to hide and withdraw themselves within their houses,andto lockthemselues into their own chambers: and they think it their duties, to water their plantswith tears, and importune the heavenswithsobs andsighs (483)
Still another page in The Dial uses this same imagery:
that with his deep sighshe pierceth theheavens on high, and with his flowingtearshe moisteneth the earth below (590)
These are precisely the ideas and images the playwright uses to describe the despondent Romeo, who seems almost to have been crafted as an exemplar of North’s sorrowful man:
Montague: Many a morning hath he there been seen,
With tears augmenting the fresh morning’s dew,
Adding to clouds more clouds withhis deep sighs …
Away from lightsteals home my heavyson
And privatein his chamber penshimself,
Shuts up his windows, locks fair daylightout,
And makes himself an artificial night.…
Benvolio: Have you importunedhim by any means?
…
Fr. Laur: The sun not yet thy sighs from heavensclears
Romeo & Juliet, 1.1.131-33, 137-45; 2.3.73
The following table lists the correspondences:
The Dial’s “Description of Sorrow”
The Description of Romeo’s Sorrow
to water their plantswith tears
With tears augmenting the fresh morning’s dew
with his deep sighs he pierceth the heavens
Adding to clouds more clouds with his deepsighs; … The sun not yet thy sighs from heavensclears
to hide and withdraw themselves within their houses and to lockthemselvesintotheir ownchambers … sighethin the day, watcheth in the night … The lighthe hateth, the darkness he loveth
Away from lightsteals home my heavy son And private in his chamber pens himself… locksfairdaylight out And makes himself an artificial night.
heavy … importune
heavy … importuned
The parallels are pointed and numerous. Both describe tears falling to the earth, while sighs float upward toward the clouds and heavens.[1] North’s passage even notes that tears water the plants—just as Romeo’s tears are compared to dew (which, of course, waters plants). Both discuss hating the day and light, while preferring darkness and night. And in both cases, the sorrowful “lockthemselvesinto their own chambers”/ “in his chamber pens himself… locks fair daylight out.” (Notice also that in Richard III, the dramatist juxtaposes pierce, clouds, heaven: “Can curses pierce the clouds and enter heaven?” [1.3.195])
Perhaps, most surprisingly, just the word-string with his deep sighs confirms the obligation. This is a fingerprint phrase of North’s, occurring nowhere else in EEBO except for The Dial and Romeo and Juliet.
An EEBO search for “{with his deep sighs].” The curly brackets ensure the search includes variations in spelling.
[1] Montague refers to sighs reaching clouds rather than piercing the heavens, but elsewhere in the tragedy, Friar Laurence describes Romeo’s sighs as rising to heaven (2.3.73). The same language appears in 1 Henry IV (3.1.9-10).
In this very same chapter on how to deal with Shrews of North’s Dial that North, himself, marked in the table of contents –what we call here the Arden/Shrew chapter (see posts 43-6) –North underscores the last line in a passage stressing the contrarian nature of women. This is in Aurelius’s speech to his wife, Faustine, who as we have seen and will continue to see, was often used as a model for the strong-willed women of the canon.
Naturally women have in all things the spirit of contradiction, for … if hewill laugh, they will weep… If he be sorrowful, they will be merry.If he desire peace, they would have war. If he would sleep, they will watch, and if he will watch, they will sleep. Finally, I say that they are of so evil a condition that they love all that we despise and despise all that we love.
–The Dial (144v)
This is clearly the origin of several passages on the contrarian nature of women in Shakespeare’s plays, including Rosalind’s in As You Like It and several lines in Katherine’s final, controversial monologue in Taming of the Shrew. In fact, as we shall see in future posts, Katherine’s entire monologue is constructed from ideas and lines underlined by North in this chapter.
North’s Passage in his Arden/Shrew Battle-of-the-Sexes Chapter:
Shakespeare passages: As You Like It, Taming of the Shrew, Arden: Battle-of-the-Sexes Passages:
Naturally womenhave in all things the spirit of contradiction, for … if hewill laugh, they will weep… If he be sorrowful, they will be merry. If he desirepeace, they would havewar. If he would sleep, they will watch, andif he will watch, they will sleep. Finally, I say that they are of so evil a condition, that they love all that we despise and despise all that we love. –The Dial (144v)
Rosalind: I will weep…when you are disposed to be merry; I will laugh… when thou art inclined to sleep. —As You Like It 4.1.146-49
To watchthe night in storms, the day in cold, Whilst thou liest warm at home, secure and safe… I am ashamed that womenare so simple To offer warwhere theyshould kneel for peace —The Taming of the Shrew, 5.2.155-6, 166-7
Ifthou cry war, there is no peacefor me… If I be merry… (see next table) –Arden of Faversham, 8.114
if hewill laugh, they will weep… If he be sorrowful, they will be merry… andif he will watch, they will sleep.
I will weep…when you are disposed to be merry; I will laugh…and that when thou art inclined to sleep.
Women; if he will watch, they will sleep; If he desirepeace, they would havewar
Women; Towatch the night… Whilst thou liest, To offer war, where theyshould kneel for peace
EEBO confirms that no work other than North’s Dial and Shakespeare’s As You Like It places “will laugh” within 30 words of “will weep” within 30 words of “be merry.” This is an exclusive link. The playwright was recalling this passage.
A few pages later, Aurelius continues in this same vein to Faustine, still noting the problems men have with women: “If he doth love them, they account him for light…If he laugh, they say he is a fool; if he laugh not, they say he is solemn” (148r). But elsewhere in The Dial, North writes that women face precisely this same difficulty, using this same kind of language to discuss the eternal dilemma of women, and especially widows, who can never win in the eyes of others no matter what they do:
Ifshe laugh a little, they count her light.
Ifshe laugh not, they count her an hypocrite.
Ifshe go to the Church, they note her for a gadder…
If she go ill appareled, they account her a niggard(300)[1]
This was clearly the inspiration for the lament of Alice in Arden of Feversham that she can never win in her husband’s eyes no matter what she does:
If I be merry, thou straightways thinks me light;
If sad, thou sayest the sullens trouble me;
Ifwell attired, thou thinks I will be gadding;
If homely, I seem sluttish in thine eye. (Arden 13.108-11)
This too would appear to be a unique correspondence. Both passages make precisely the same points about the problems faced by women in a series of if-then statements listed in the same order and in the same sing-song manner. Both begin with essentially the same line: Ifshe bemerry(or if she laugh a little), then others will think or count her light. Second line refers to if she is sad or glum. The third notes that if she goes out or dresses up, others will think she is gadding or a gadder. In the last lines, the if-well-attired string from the tragedy corresponds to the if-ill-appareled string in North’s Dial—and, in each, a humble appearance is associated with a niggard or homely and sluttish. Women just cannot win. Though it is difficult to ascertain because it does not contain rare phrases, a search of EEBO for a similar speech containing either gadder or gadding has so far turned up nothing. Once again, it is clear the dramatist was basing Alice’s speech on The Dial. Indeed, this is less an echo or parallel than a seeming effort at memorial reconstruction or a full paraphrasing.
Of course, the dramatist has made a few verbal substitutions, but even these changes are Northern and link back to the Arden-Shrew chapter. For example, the playwright has substituted “If I be merry” for “If she laugh a little,” but this conflates the passage with North’s “If … be merry” (as in North’s earlier passage that was also repeated in As You Like it.) The playwright also uses sullens to oppose merry, and in his Plutarch’s Lives, North also uses this same merry-sullens antithesis: “that no man was of so sullen a nature but he would make him merry” (225).[2] The playwright also opted for the peculiar phrase “straight ways thinks” for North’s “they count her.” And elsewhere in The Dial, North writes “straight way … thinketh” (594) in a line that conveys the same meaning: to immediately form a new opinion. In other words, by using, if-be merry,merry-sullens andstraight ways thinks, the playwright has substituted peculiar Northern wording and phrases into an undeniably Northern passage that links to both a passage and chapter that North himself underscored in North’s own Dial of Princes and placed them in the mouth of North’s half-sister.
[1] Unfortunately, at this point, I do not have access to this particular page of North’s personal 1582 edition of The Dial, but 300 is likely the page.
[2] Again we find that North was not following his source—Jacques Amyot’s French version of Plutarch’s Lives—but employing his own language. Amyot has “qu’il n’y avoit moeurs si austeres qu’elle n’acoucit: ny nature si farouche qu’elle ne prist & n’amolist.” See Jaques Amyot, Les Vies des Hommes Illustres Grecs et Romains Comparees l’une Avec l’Autre par Plutarque de Chaeronee (Paris: Charles de l’Ecluse, 1571), 118v.
In this very same chapter of The Dial that North marked in the table of contents and used for other passages in Arden of Faversham (see posts 43-6) — and on this same page (149r) examined earlier –directly beneath the emphasized passage on “the fear of the Gods…and the speech of men,” North underlines the following: “For women do more hurt with their tongues than the enemies do with their swords” (see below):
Importantly, this same idea of tongues as weapons also occurs elsewhere in North’s Dial, in which, once again, North underlines part of the passage and writes in the margin: Pittacus: of the tonge (i.e., Pittacus, on the subject of the tongue):
And therefore said Pittacus the philosopher, that a man’s tongue is made like the iron point of a lance, but yet that it was more dangerous than that … I know not that man … but thinks it less hurt the bloody sword should pierce his flesh than that he should be touched in honour with the venomous point of the serpentine tongue. … if as … [with] laws prohibiting for to wear or carry weapon they had like laws also to punish detractive and wicked tongues
(441-441v)
This comparison of tongues with weapons was not uncommon in Elizabethan literature and also appears in Arden of Feversham:
Dial: if as … [with] laws prohibiting for to wear or carry weaponthey had like laws also to punish detractive and wicked tongues (441v)
Arden:Thatcarry a muscado in their tongue/ And scarce a hurting weaponin their hand 9.20-21).
Another passage in The Dial also emphasizes the commonness of “slanderous tongues:”
in working virtuous deeds shall not want slanderous tongues…Octavian by his words declared himself to be a wise man, and of a noble heart, and lightly to weighboth the murmurings of the people and also the vanities oftheir words. (~74)
The title character of Ardenof Feversham also addresses “slanderous tongues” in the same language:
Arden:Who lives that is not touched with slanderous tongues? …
And I will lie at London all this term
To let them see how light I weigh their words(1.345, 358-59)
Here is a table comparing both:
North’s Dial
Arden of Feversham
[you] shall not want slanderous tongues… andlightly to weigh … their words ~74v, 116-17 touched … with …serpentine tongue… if as they have…laws prohibiting for to wear or carry weapon they had like laws also to punish detractive and wicked tongues –441- 441v
Who lives that is not touched with slanderous tongues?… To let them see howlight I weigh their words –1.345, 359
Thatcarry a muscado in their tongue And scarce a hurting weaponin their hand –9.20-21
touched…with…serpentine tongue; slanderous tongues; lightly to weigh … their words; carry-weapon-tongue
touched with slanderous tongues; slanderous tongues; light I weigh their words; carry-weapon-tongue
Shared spelling also makes the match compelling: an EEBO search for works that include both relevant groupings—slanderous tongues and light,* weigh, their words—yields only North’s Dial.[3] Arden does not appear because of two slips by EEBO: the digitized reading of the 1592 quarto mistakenly substitutes staunderous for slaunderous—and the EEBO search does not recognize the quarto’s wey as weigh. This latter quarto spelling of wey was indeed authorial as we also find the same spelling in scene 8: “Whose dowry would have weyed down all thy wealth” (Sig. C4v; 8.89), and these are the only appearances of weigh(ed) in the tragedy. Interestingly, wey(ed) is also an early Northern spelling, appearing 12 times in The Dial (1568),including in similar contexts as Arden: wey … words (131v); money … weyed (128v)and treasure … weyd (3rd book, 47). North does not use the spelling wey in the corresponding passage on slander but opts for the similar waye. He also uses the spelling slaunderous:
The Dial (1568):wey the sentences more then the wordes (130v)
The Dial (1568):slaunderoustongues … lightly towaye… their words (56)
Arden quarto:slaunderous tongues … light I weytheir words (Sig. B3) In other words, the Arden passage uses Northern spellings in a typically Northern comment. Moreover, the playwright did not borrow the wey spelling from North’s passage on “slaunderous tongues”; instead, wey was a common spelling of North’s, as shown in other parts of The Dial.
[1] If you search of EEBO-Proquest “{slanderous tongues}” AND light* PRE/20 weigh PRE/20 “{their words}”, the result is only The Dial.
If I argue Thomas North should get credit for Shakespeare’s source-plays, I damn sure better credit my sources as well! So my apologies to Professor Alan Hughes, but on page 117 of Michael Blanding’s “North by Shakespeare,” I am quoted off-the-cuff as saying the following about “The Longleat Manuscript” : “Why would someone take the top of the paper and leave the rest blank unless they were ready to fill it in with dialogue?” This is a very close paraphrase of Alan Hughes, ed., whom I had previously quoted years earlier, with proper citations, in my original essay on the Longleat Manuscript. Unfortunately, while chatting informally, I either forgot to cite my source (I typically don’t include endnotes when speaking) or, more likely, simply suffered a kind of cryptomnesia. My apologies Professor Hughes! Here’s the proper citation:
Alan Hughes, ed., The New Cambridge Shakespeare: Titus Andronicus (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1994), 20. PS.
Richard Levin also quotes the corresponding line by Hughes. “The Longleat Manuscript and ‘Titus Andronicus,’” Shakespeare Quarterly, 53:3 (2002): 323-340, 329 – and I also quoted Levin in the same essay.
Multiple records confirm Thomas North began writing plays early, starting at Lincoln’s Inn, and continued to do so throughout his life. By 1560, the year North turned 25, Jasper Heywood placed him at the top of a list of the best tragedians at the Inns of Court. Records also confirm he continued writing plays, mostly for the Earl of Leicester’s Men, at least into the 1580s. Robert Dudley, the Earl of Leicester, was North’s patron and the best friend of his older brother, Roger, 2nd Lord North.
In 1557, Thomas North became Master of Revels at Lincoln’s Inn, which placed him in charge of entertainments. J. Christopher Warner notes that this indicates that, beside serious translations, North “could also indulge in songs and plays.”[3]
Three years later, Jasper Heywood would place Thomas North at the top of a list of the best tragedians. Specifically, in a preface to his translation of Seneca’s Thyestes (1560), Heywood spoke of how the ghost of Seneca visited him and urged him to translate his tragic plays into English. Heywood responded that a group of young tragedians at the Inns of Court would be far worthier for the task. Heywood placed North at the top of the list, marking him first among writers who had a “painful pen,” writers who, it would seem, Melpomene, the Muse of tragedy, “had taught them for to write”:
In Lincoln’s Inn and Temples twain, Gray’s Inn and other mo’
Thou shalt them find whose painful pen thy verse shall flourish so,
That Melpomen, thou would’st well ween, had taught them for to write
And all their works with stately style and goodly grace t’indite.
There shalt thou see the self-same North, whose work his wit displays,
And Dial doth of Princes paint, and preach abroad his praise. …[4]
Here is a modern translation
At Lincoln’s Inn, Inner and Middle Temple, Gray’s Inn and others
You, Seneca, shall find writers whose painful pen (whose skill at tragedy) would be best suited to translate your tragedies.
Indeed, you would think that Melpomene (the muse of tragedy) had taught them how to write
And did imbue their works with stately style and grace.
There you will see just such an example, North, whose work reveals his wit (intellect)
And whose Dial of Princes earns him praise abroad.
Heywood’s foreword seems to have influenced the young writers whom he praised. The next three students Heywood mentions after North—Thomas Norton, Thomas Sackville and Christopher Yelverton—would all end up helping craft neo-Senecan tragedies. In 1561, Norton and Sackville would write Gorboduc (1561), and Yelverton would be credited with the epilogue to George Gascoigne’s Jocasta (1566) and the dumb shows for The Misfortunes of Arthur (1588).
Similarly, in a 2014 paper for Shakespeare Survey 67,we provided evidence that in 1560-61, North also wrote his own Senecan-styled tragedy, Titus and Vespasian, the source play for Shakespeare’s Titus Andronicus. As we proposed, North likely wrote the play for the same reasons fellow students Norton and Sackville wrote Gorboduc: due to the renewed attention Heywood brought to Seneca and to please Robert Dudley by advising against Elizabeth’s marriage to Erik XIV, King of the Swedes and Goths.[5] This explains why the detestable villains of Shakespeare’s tragedy are the Goths—and why the play underscores, in a horrific manner, the disastrous consequences that befall a nation when a monarch marries one. It also explains why the end of the tragedy pays homage to Heywood’s Thyestes, the very work that gave North his first known, favorable review.
in 1576, George North, likely a cousin, wrote another “favorable review” in the dedication to his manuscript essay, “Brief Discourse of Rebellion and Rebels,” offering praise for Thomas, who, he stated, excelled “both for invention and translation” and “for copy, eloquency, and good method, may claim palm and place with the best.”[6] And invention can only refer to original work and is clearly distinguished from translation. George dedicated the manuscript to Thomas’s brother, Roger, 2nd Lord North, also mentioning that “I knew your L[ord] to take great delight” in Thomas’s works — a comment that makes the most sense for North’s plays. In 2018, June Schlueter and I published a book confirming that George North’s signed, unpublished essay, always kept at the North family library, was a significant source for the Shakespeare canon — a discovery that made the front page of The New York Times and news reports around the world.
In 1577, before North published Plutarch’s Lives, Holinshed’s Chronicles lists Thomas North among the greatest writers of Elizabethan England. The text, which served as an important source for the English history plays, introduced the list as follows:
“The history mentioning of such writers of our nation, as lived in the days of other Princes, I have thought good to write also the names of some of those that have flourished in the time of the peaceable reign of our sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth… Of which writers as there are many some departed and others yet living, so the great number of works, Treatises, Poesies, Translations, and Pamphlets by them published to the world, may fully witness the flourishing state of the Muses in these days of peace, in the which learning is both cherished, and the studious enjoy their wished quietness, the better to encourage them to utter their talents.” (1874)
Also, Roger North’s household account book mentions his younger brother several times, linking him with Leicester’s Men, at times documenting payments to both Thomas and the theater troupe after a performance.[7] For 9 and 10 November 1578, Roger records paying both Leicester’s players and his brother the same amount, 40 shillings.[8] In the following January, Roger documents Thomas’s bringing apparel for minstrels and a player to London (see left).[9]
In one very important receipt, in 1580, Roger pays both Thomas and Leicester’s Men for a play performed at court, giving Thomas the traditional fee and reward, down to the very penny, granted to playwrights and producers of court plays.
Specifically, Lord North gave the theater troupe 40 shillings, his standard payment for a performance, and Thomas £3.6s.8d. (Stowe MS 774, pt. 1, 126v). This followed an earlier payment, recorded on the leaf before, to Thomas of £6.13s.4d. (Stowe MS 774, pt. 1, 125v). These two specific payments—£6.13s.4d. with an additional reward of £3.6s.8d.—are the exact amounts given to the playwrights and producers of court plays, including Sebastian Westcott, Richard Farrant, William Elderton, Richard Edwards, William Hunnis, Richard Mulcaster, Robert Wilson, John Lyly, Anthony Munday, and William Rowley. Each of them received his fees of £6.13s.4d. for his play, and some also earned a reward of £3.6s.8d. Also, in his magisterial British Drama 1533-1642, Martin Wiggins indicates that within the “drama-related expenses” for the Queen’s 1574 progress “the authorities of Bristol paid [Thomas] Churchyard £6.13s.4d. for writing the text.” Likewise, in 1591, Robert Greene notoriously sold his play of Orlando twice: first to the Queen’s Men for a fee of £6.13s.4d., then to the Admiral’s Men for the same price. Finally, the Revels records a payment to Shakespeare, Kemp, and Burbage for two comedies performed at court at Greenwich on 26 and 28 December 1594 for £13.6s.8d. with a reward of £6.13s.4d. in total. This again amounts to a payment of £6.13s.4d. and a reward of £3.6s.8d. for each play. As Lord North places both the payment for Leicester’s Men’s play performance and North’s reward together in a single receipt and adds them up, there is no doubt the payment was for North’s work on that court play.[10]
Leicester’s Men’s performed seven times at court from January 1577 to 1583, each warranting a payment of £6.13s.4d., and six of the seven generating an additional reward of £3.6s.8d.[11] See example on left of “Philemon and Philecia,” the source-play for The Two Gentlemen of Verona. In all but one of those times, the playwright-producer actually collecting that money is never identified. But, as we saw above, with the Leicester’s Men’s performance at court in June 1580–which was a play that Lord North, himself, was presenting — that playwright was identified: Thomas North.
Finally we end with a final quote from Thomas North’s 1555 Travel Journal: From Italy to Shakespeare:
Robert Dudley first began supporting a theater troupe even before he became Earl of Leicester, as early as 1559. His players then continued performing—in London, in the suburbs, at court, on tours throughout the English countryside, and even in continental Europe—until their patron’s death in 1588. But what plays were they staging over those nearly 30 years, and who was writing them? Sadly, as Terence Schoone-Jongen remarks, “little information about Leicester’s repertory survives.”[12] Nonetheless, sixteenth-century documents support what all other evidence reveals: Thomas North was not only a translator; he also wrote plays, first for Lincoln’s Inn and then for Leicester’s Men.
Notes:
[1] David McInnis and Matthew Steggle, “Introduction: Nothing Will Come of Nothing? Or, What can we Learn from Plays that Don’t Exist?”, in Lost Plays in Shakespeare’s England, ed. David McInnis and Matthew Steggle (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 1.
[2] Neil Carson, A Companion to Henslowe’s Diary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 82-84.
[3] J. Christopher Warner, The Making and Marketing of Tottel’s Miscellany, 1557: Songs and Sonnets in the Summer of the Martyrs’ Fires (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2013), 22.
[4] Jasper Heywood, Preface to The Seconde Tragedie of Seneca entituled Thyestes faithfully Englished by Jasper Heywood fellowe of Alsolne College in Oxforde (London: In Fletestrete in the hous late Thomas Berthelettes, 1560). Citation follows Elizabethan Seneca: Three Tragedies, MHRA Tudor and Stuart Translations, vol. 8, ed. James Ker and Jessica Winston (London: Modern Humanities Research Association, 2012), 142-43.
[5] Dennis McCarthy and June Schlueter, “A Shakespeare/North Collaboration: Titus Andronicus and Titus and Vespasian,” Shakespeare Survey 67 (2014): 85-101.
[6] See Dennis McCarthy and June Schlueter, “A Brief Discourse of Rebellion and Rebels” by George North: A Newly Uncovered Manuscript Source for Shakespeare Plays (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer in association with the British Library,2018), 101.
[7] Roger North, Lord North’s Household Book, 1576-1589, British Library, Stowe MS 774, pt. 1, fols 79v, 80r, 126v; pt. 2, 40r.
[8] Roger North, Lord North’s Household Book, 1576-1589 (9-10 November 1578), pt. 1, 80r: “given my L. of Lesters plaiers 40s … to my brother 40s.” See also fols 79v, 126v; pt. 2, 40r.
[9] Roger North, Lord North’s Household Book, 1576-1589: (11-13 January 1578-9), pt. 1, 85v. Roger writes “to my brother going to London in money viii li beside apparel to minstrels ii s to player ii s vi d.” Roger’s use of the words in money and beside necessarily confirms that he considered the apparel for the minstrels (and likely player) as part of North’s gift. As an example, for Tuesday, 29 June, 1585, Roger writes, “Sent my brother to London by the carrier on Tuesday velvet hose, a satin gown guarded w[ith] velvet and a mare cost v li and in ready money v li” pt. 2, 93v. Again, here Roger obviously considers the gown, hose, and mare as part of a gift given to Thomas—along with the “money.” The word “play” below Thomas North’s initials though, likely refers to Roger North’s gambling games — and not a “play.”
[10] See Martin Wiggins, British Drama 1533-1642: A Catalogue, Volume 2: 1567-1589 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 106, 109, 115, 160, 162-63, 212 -15, 221-23, 244-49, 257-58, 308, 310, 311, 313. See also Martin Wiggins, British Drama 1533-1642: A Catalogue, Volume 5: 1603-1608 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 36, 78, 218. See also John Tucker Murray, English Dramatic Companies, 1558-1642 (London: Constable and Company, 1910), 1:106. Charles William Wallace, The Evolution of the English Drama Up To Shakespeare (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1912), 219, 221-4. Wallace records the reward values as lxvi s viiid , which equals iiili vis viiid.
[11] These peculiar sums for entertainment-production began with Henry VIII, when the King typically paid his court dramatist and entertainment-manager, the Lord of Misrule, 20 nobles (i.e., £6.13s.4d. — which is also equal to ten marks) for his Christmas season productions. Although no monarch coined another noble after 1544, this amount remained a traditional payment for a new play at court into the Jacobean era, eventually augmented by a reward of ten nobles (or five marks: £3.6s.8d.). This reward became customary in the 1570s. Interestingly, early modern payments in many different categories often followed strict traditional guidelines. For example, dowries and feudal fines were also likewise paid according to values of marks and nobles –and this continued throughout the sixteenth century and later.
[12] Terence Schoone-Jongen, Shakespeare’s Companies: William Shakespeare’s Early Career and the Acting Companies, 1577-1594 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2008), 175.
As we saw in the previous posts, in 1591-2, North marked up his own copy of The Dial of Princes, using it as a workbook for plays he was either revising or writing at that time, especially working from chapters that he underscored in the table of contents. In one of these chapters, on page 149v, he marked a passage that would inspire a passage in the opening of scene 4 in Arden of Faversham. Now if you turn this page over, from 149v to 149, you find Aurelius’s description of a pained husband: “lifting up his eyes unto the heavens, fetching a grievous sigh from the bottom of his heart, [the husband] said these words…” And this is precisely how Franklin describes the pained-husband Arden, and he does so in the very same scene and exchange in which Arden, borrowing from 149v, talks about “the fear of God or common speech of men….”
The Dial (149-149v), on fear of God, speech of men, malicious wives–and the description of suffering husband (same exchange)
Arden, on fear of God, speech of men, malicious wives–and the description of suffering husband (same exchange)
If the fear of the gods…and thespeech of men do not restrain the woman, all the chastisements of the world will not makeher refrain fromvice(149v; 232) …deeplyrooted in vices(147r; 229)
If fear of Godor common speech of men… Might join repentance in her wanton thoughts No question then but she would turn the leaf But she isrooted in her wickedness… And reprehension makes her vice to grow (4.3-12)
liftingup his eyes unto the heavens, fetching a grievous sigh from the bottom of his heart, said these words…(149)
What pity-moving words, what deep-fetched sighs, What grievousgroans and overlading woes… Now will he cast his eyes up towards the heavens… (4.40-46)
Isolated Correspondences
Isolated Correspondences
If the fear of the Gods…and the speech of men
If fear of Godor common speech of men
rooted invices
rooted inwickedness
chastisements…will not make herrefrain from vice
Reprehensionmakes her vice to grow
lifting up his eyes unto the heavens
cast his eyes up towards the heavens
fetching a grievous sigh … words
Words, what deep-fetched sighs, / What grievous…
We showed in the prior post that the “fear of God…speech of men” connection is unique. And so too is the rest. Indeed just a search of EEBO for word NEAR/10 sigh NEAR/10 fetch NEAR/10 grievous yields 9 records – and North is responsible for five of them: two editions of The Dial, one from North’s Nepos’ Lives, and two other works quoting North’s Nepos Lives. Arden of Feversham and three other works have the other examples. When we include his eyes and the heavens, the match is unique.[1]
Yet again, in this same exchange, Franklin also observes that the distracted Arden frequently interrupts himself: “in the middle cutteth off his tale.” In the quarto version, off is spelled of. An EEBO search for cut PRE/0 “of his tale” yields only four results – North’s Plutarch, North’s Doni, Arden and one other work. Even a search for cut off the tale yields only 3 other results, and King John in the First Folio is one of them.[ii] This is another Northern fingerprint in a passage that begins with a unique Northern grouping.
[1] For example, an EEBO-ProQuest search for word NEAR/10 fetch NEAR/10 sigh NEAR/10 grievous AND his PRE/0 eyes PRE/10 the PRE/0 heavens yields only The Dial and Arden of Feversham.
[2] The original EEBO may have had as many as nine examples of “cut off his tale.”
As we saw in the previous post, in 1591-2, North marked up his own copy of The Dial of Princes, using it as a workbook for plays he was either revising or writing at that time. For example, North only marked three of the 177 chapters in the table of contents. All three chapters and their titles are relevant to his plays. With one of the chapters that he marked, he underlined and wrote out a subtitle in the margin that he then reused, with minor changes, for the subtitle of Arden of Faversham. Similarly, another one of these chapters gives advice, in effect, on how to tame shrews. Significantly, North also added a number of marginal comments to this particular chapter, which includes vivid descriptions of troublesome wives and the agonies that they could inflict on their husbands. He then used these passages for his two plays, Arden of Feversham and Taming of the Shrew. After all, as Thomas well knew, his half-sister, Alice Arden, who notoriously conspired with her lover to murder her husband, had been the most troublesome wife of all— far more so than Katherine in Taming of the Shrew.
This “Shrews” chapter in The Dial focuses on a long quarrel between the stubborn Marcus Aurelius and his strong-willed wife, Faustine, and the exchanges between them were then used in the plays.
For example, on one of its pages, North highlighted two passages with vertical lines.
As shown in the picture on the left, North wrote “of the wife and husband” next to the first passage, which begins with an underlined sentence that, as we shall soon see, relates to The Taming of the Shrew . In the second part (in the red-circle on the left), Aurelius complains that in most instances, religious teachings and concern for reputation are often enough to keep women virtuous. But, he says, “if the fear of the Gods, the infamy of the person, and the speech of men do not restrain the woman, all the chastisements of the world will not make her refrain from vice” (149v). Previously, in the beginning of this same chapter, Aurelius counsels Faustine against being “deeply rooted in vices” (147r).[1]
Thus, in the opening of scene 4 of Arden of Feversham, as Arden talks with his friend Franklin about the uncontrollable Alice, he makes this exact same point about his wife and uses the same language:
North’s highlighted passage in The Dial
Arden, discussing Alice
If the fear of the gods…and thespeech of men do not restrain the woman, all the chastisements of the world will not makeher refrain fromvice(149v; 232) deeplyrooted in vices(147r; 229)
If fear of Godor common speech of men… Might join repentance in her wanton thoughts No question then but she would turn the leaf But she isrooted in her wickedness… And reprehension makes her vice to grow (4.3-12)
If the fear of the Gods…and the speech of men
If fear of Godor common speech of men,
rooted invices
rooted inwickedness
chastisements…will not make herrefrain from vice
Reprehensionmakes her vice to grow
The passages are expressing the same sentiment in the same language, and reprehension is even a synonym for chastisement. In other words, both are making the sexist claim that if a woman does not fear god or what men will say to or about her, then no amount of chastising will help. Clearly, this is a unique parallel. Just an EEBO search for fear of God (or fear of the Gods) preceding speech of men yields no results other than Arden of Faversham and The Dial.[1]
Even more incredibly, Google also only shows Arden of Feversham with no other results. The Dial does not turn up because of its use of archaic spelling–“if the feare of the gods.” In contrast, Arden of Feversham appears because many published editions include modernized spelling. However, when we try a Google search for “feare of” within 10 words of “speech of men,” we find only The Dial of Princes and two older editions of Arden of Feversham:
There is no doubt that this passage that North marked in 1591 or 1592, in his own translation, that appears in only one of three chapters that he underscores in the table of contents, was the origin of the parallel speech in Arden of Faversham, a tragedy about North’s half-sister that was published anonymously later that year (1592).
[1] The only discoverable passage that even comes close on either EEBO or Google is a fiery religious tract from 1609, and the grouping is merely coincidental. The passage is merely preaching about sinners going to hell; and not commenting on the impossibility of dissuading some malicious women from vice. More, it uses “speech of men” in a different way, and it precedes (rather than follows) “the fear of God.” In deed, it precedes it by 15 words so you have to expand the search. See Samson Lennard., An exhortatory instruction to a speedy resolution of repentance and contempt of the vanities of this transitory life (London: Edward Blount & W. Barret, 1609), “For the speech of men and their slanders can∣not deliuer thee from the fire of hell, but the feare of God, and thy iust dealing proceed∣ing from a liuely faith, in the merits of Christ Iesus; whe∣ther thou bee praised or dis∣praised, returne into thy selfe and thy owne conscience.”
As noted earlier, in 1591-2, North marked up his own copy of The Dial of Princes, using it as a workbook for plays he was either revising or writing at that time. For example, North only marked three of the 177 chapters in the table of contents. All three chapters and their titles are relevant to his plays –and and two of them, which focus on indomitable wives (often in a sexist way not uncommon in the 16th century), are chapters especially significant to The Taming of the Shrew and Arden of Feversham (which also focus on indomitable wives). We looked at the second of the marked-chapter in the prior post, which had a subtitle that North underlined and repeated in the margin. This subtitle, underlined and written down by North in 1591-2 — Wherein is expressedthe great malice and little patience of an evil woman” –was then reused with little change in the subtitle of the publication of Arden of Faversham, a tragedy about his half-sister that was published in 1592: Wherein is shewed the great malice and dissimulation of an evil woman. Both EEBO and Google confirm that no one else has ever written something like this line, except for Thomas North and the author of the anonymous tragedy about his half-sister.
But the relevance of the first of the three chapters that North underscored may be even more obvious to Shakespeare-enthusiasts, for it gives advice, in effect, on how to tame shrews (or shrowes, in North’s spelling).
In the table of contents, North writes, “Rules for married men” next to the chapter and underlines the subtitle: “certaine rules for married men, which if they be matchedwith shrowes[i.e., shrews] & do observe them may cause them [to] live in quietwith their wives.” As with the other subtitle, this also deals with problematic wives, and it certainly seems to recall The Taming of the Shrew, in which the married men were indeed looking for instructions in how to tame shrews. Also, the First Folio edition of the comedy frequently uses North’s spelling: shrow. Even the penultimate line is “thou hast tam’d a curst shrow.” Finally, in The Taming of the Shrew, Baptista says the following about marrying off his daughter, Katherine, the titular shrow: “The gain I seek is quietin the match” (2.1.326). That again matches the subtitle: shrow–quiet–matchin the context of married men trying to cope with difficult wives.
This chapter appears within a series of similar chapters, all describing how to deal with quarrelling wives. And North started making notes about certain passages in the margins –notes that were then relevant to the plays.
Consider as an example this marginal note: “An evil husband likened to the devil; an evil wife, to hell itself.“
Elsewhere in The Dial, North also writes a relevant line:
I know not what man is so very a fool that in the world doth hope for any perpetual thing?… (269)
This passage and that line clearly inspired the following in The Taming of the Shrew:
Hortensio. Marry, sir, to get a husbandfor her sister.
Gremio. A husband? a devil.
Hortensio. I say a husband.
Gremio. I say, a devil. Think'st thou, Hortensio, though her father
be very rich, any man is so very a fool to be married to hell?
North’s Dial of Princes (isolated correspondences):
Taming of the Shrew (isolated correspondences):
Husband, a devil, married, to hell; man is so very a fool
Husband, a devil, married to hell; man is so very a fool
As North wrote in the margin, the husband is compared to a devil, and the wife is compared to hell. And the play passage even repeats North’s “man is so very a fool,” also from The Dial. A search of both EEBO and Google indicates that the line man is so very a fool is unique to North and Shakespeare as of 1623. Moreover, both Google and EEBO indicate the phrase appears in only one other known work at any time, a 1653 sermon by Jeremy Taylor (and Taylor may have been borrowing from Shakespeare.)
As clear from the last two posts (and as we will continue to show over the next five), North is using his copy of The Dial of Princes in the 1590s as a workbook for plays that Shakespeare would later stage. In the next post, we will show a passage from the “shrowes” chapter that he used for Arden of Faversham.