In North’s Dial of Princes, Marcus Aurelius complains that in most instances, religious teachings and concern for reputation are often enough to keep women virtuous. But, he says, “if the fear of the Gods, the infamy of the person, and the speech of men do not restrain the woman, all the chastisements of the world will not make her refrain from vice” (232). Previously, in the beginning of this same chapter, Aurelius counseled his indomitable wife, Faustine, against being “deeply rootedinvices” (229).
Similarly, in the opening of scene 4 of Arden of Feversham, as Arden talks with his friend Franklin about the uncontrollable Alice, he makes this exact same point about his wife and uses the same language:
If fear of God or common speech of men…
Might join repentance in her wanton thoughts
No question then but she would turn the leaf
But she is rooted in her wickedness
Perverse and stubborn, not to be reclaimed.
Good counsel is to her as rain to weeds,
And reprehension makes her vice to grow (4.3-12)
Arden of Feversham
North’s highlighted passage in The Dial
Arden, discussing Alice
If the fear of the gods, the infamy of the person, and the speech of men do not restrain the woman, all the chastisements of the world will not makeher refrain from vice (232) …. deeply rooted invices (229)
If fear of Godor common speech of men… Might join repentance in her wanton thoughts No question then but she would turn the leaf But she is rooted in her wickedness Perverse and stubborn, not to be reclaimed. Good counsel is to her as rain to weeds, And reprehension makes her vice to grow (4.3-12)
If the fear of the Gods…and the speech of men
If fear of God or common speech of men,
rooted invices
rooted in wickedness
chastisements…will not make her refrain from vice
Reprehension makes her vice to grow
Clearly, this is a unique parallel. Just an EEBO search for a juxtaposition of fear of God (or fear of the Gods) and speech of men yields no results other than Arden of Feversham and The Dial. Even more incredibly, Google also only shows Arden of Feversham with no other results. The Dial does not turn up because of its archaic spelling–“if the feare of the gods”—whereas Arden of Feversham appears because many published editions include modernized spelling. However, when we search for “feare of” within 20 words of “speech of men,” we find only The Dial of Princes and two older editions of Arden of Feversham (see below).
Moreover, the passages share still other conspicuous resemblances. For example, chastisement is a synonym for reprehension, and both are followed by make(s) her…vice. Each passage also makes the same distinctive point.
It is also interesting to note that Thomas North was quite familiar with all the main characters of this true crime tragedy. Alice Arden was his half-sister; Thomas Arden, his brother-in-law; and Alice’s lover, Mosby, was a North-family servant.
As is well known, Caesar’s speech that “Cowards die many times before their deaths” was hinted at in North’s Plutarch’s Lives. But previously, it was believed that Shakespeare took that hint and then refashioned it himself with many new details. Yet, as we see both above and below, the specific words and notions of the dramatist’s seemingly original speech actually derive from similar ideas expressed in North’s Dial. In other words, the playwright, when following Plutarch’s description on the ominous dreams of Caesar’s wife, Calpurnia, and coming across a suggestion about Caesar’s brash refusal to fear death, was able to recall a fuller treatment on valiantly facing death in North’s Dial and so added the latter to the tragedy. As shown, this same discussion in The Dial was also the genesis for a line in 1 Henry IV.
Table 1`: Comparison of discussions on death in North’s Dial with similar comments in Julius Caesar and 1 Henry IV.
EEBO confirms North’s translation is the inspiration for the the doomed emperor’s speech. When we search the database for any works that similarly groups coward (or cowards or cowardly), before, and valiant–as well as taste and death in the same order results only in North’s Dial and Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar.[1]
Yet when writing Julius Caesar, the playwright did not have North’s Dial open in front of him but his Plutarch’s Lives, and it is the latter work that indicated Caesar did indeed make a comment about facing death: “[Caesar] said it was better to dieonce than always to be afraid of death.” But that is all Plutarch mentions about the matter. Evidently, when the playwright read this, it reminded him of the fuller treatment of the “die but once” passages in North’s Dial. The following table reveals the extensive reliance on North in Julius Caesar 2.2, and it includes a conflation of his passages that appeared in two different texts. The passage shaded in tan, orange, and yellow was based on North’s Dial; the rest, unshaded with shared words in red, comes from his Plutarch:
Finally, as the first table indicates, North’s passage in The Dial also influenced more than just Julius Caesar’s audacious comment; its line “thou owest one death to the Gods” is also the inspiration for Prince Hal’s line, “thou owest God a death” in 1 Henry IV. This cannot be dismissed a coincidence. As shown below, only one work other than North’s Dial and 1 Henry IV juxtaposes “thou owest” with God(s) and death, but this tract would not appear until 1684 and is not making the same point.
As we shall see in later posts, the playwright repeatedly turned to these same pages of The Dial (which comprise a death-bed exchange between the dying Marcus Aurelius and his secretary Panutius) when relating other famous passages on mortality –including Hamlet’s in Hamlet, Prospero’s in The Tempest, and the Vincent-Claudio exchange in Measure from Measure.
[1] An EEBO search for Coward* PRE/10 before PRE/10 valiant AND taste PRE/10 death yields no results other than North’s Dial of Princes and Julius Caesar.
In North’s own copy of his translation of the 1582 edition of The Dial of Princes, the translator adds a marginal note highlighting the “description of sorrow (Fol. 296 in 1582 edition; 475 in 1619 ed.) The passage describes how people act when they are depressed: they crave solitude, hate the day, love the night, and their sighs go upward to the heavens while their tears water the earth below:
“For truly the man which is sorrowful, sigheth in the day, watcheth in the night, delighteth not in company, and with only care he resteth. The light he hateth, the darkness he loveth, with his bitter tears he watereth the earth, with heavysighs he pierceth the heavens.”
(The “Description of Sorrow” passage marked in North’s Dial)
This passage is similar to one that appears just eight pages later—in which, again, it is stressed that the sorrowful want to be alone (lock themselues into their own chambers), and again their tears fall to the earth while sighs move upward:
“to hide and withdraw themselves within their houses, and to lock themselues into their own chambers: and they think it their duties, to water their plants with tears, and importune the heavenswith sobs and sighs” (483)
Still another page in The Dial uses this same imagery:
“that with his deep sighs he pierceth the heavens on high, and with his flowing tears he moisteneth the earth below” (590)
These are precisely the ideas and images the playwright uses to describe the despondent Romeo, who seems almost to have been crafted as an exemplar of North’s sorrowful man:
Montague: Many a morning hath he there been seen,
With tears augmenting the fresh morning’s dew,
Adding to clouds more clouds withhis deep sighs …
Away from light steals home my heavy son
And private in his chamber pens himself,
Shuts up his windows, locks fair daylight out,
And makes himself an artificial night.…
Benvolio: Have you importuned him by any means?
…
Fr. Laur: The sun not yet thy sighs from heavens clears
Romeo & Juliet, 1.1.131-33, 137-45; 2.3.73
The following table lists the correspondences:
The Dial’s “Description of Sorrow”
The Description of Romeo’s Sorrow
to water their plantswith tears
With tears augmenting the fresh morning’s dew
with his deep sighs he pierceth the heavens
Adding to clouds more clouds with his deepsighs; The sun not yet thy sighs from heavens clears
to hide and withdraw themselves within their houses and to lockthemselvesinto their own chambers
Away from light steals home my heavy son And private in his chamber pens himself, Shuts up his windows, locks fair daylight out
sigheth in the day, watcheth in the night … The light he hateth, the darkness he loveth
Away from light steals home … Shuts up his windows, locks fair daylight out … And makes himself an artificial night.
heavy … importune
heavy … importuned
The parallels are pointed and numerous. Both describe tears falling to the earth, while sighs float upward toward the clouds and heavens.[1] North’s passage even notes that tears water the plants—just as Romeo’s tears are compared to dew (which, of course, waters plants). Both discuss hating the day and light, while preferring darkness and night. And in both cases, the sorrowful “lockthemselvesinto their own chambers”/ “in his chamber pens himself… locks fair daylight out.” (Notice also that in Richard III, the dramatist juxtaposes pierce, clouds, heaven: “Can curses pierce the clouds and enter heaven?” [1.3.195])
Perhaps, most surprisingly, just the word-string with his deep sighs confirms the obligation. This is a fingerprint phrase of North’s, occurring nowhere else in EEBO except for The Dial and Romeo and Juliet.
An EEBO search for “{with his deep sighs].” The curly brackets ensure the search includes variations in spelling.
[1] Montague refers to sighs reaching clouds rather than piercing the heavens, but elsewhere in the tragedy, Frian Laurence describes Romeo’s sighs as rising to heaven (2.3.73). The same language appears in 1 Henry IV (3.1.9-10).
After Hamlet watches an actor perform a tragic description of Hecuba’s agonies caused by the “tyrant Pyrrhus,” he expresses astonishment at the actor’s abilities to fake such deep sorrow: “For Hecuba! / What’s Hecuba to him, or he to Hecuba, / That he should weep for her?” (2.2.558-60). In this same speech, the Prince then happens upon a plan that will help determine whether his uncle Claudius is indeed guilty of killing Hamlet’s father. He will write a scene for the theater troupe to perform before Claudius which recreates the murder, hoping it will jolt his uncle into an incriminating reaction.
But what gave him this idea? Hamlet here is clearly recalling a story in Plutarch’s Lives about Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae, who was so overcome by grief at a reenactment of “the miseries of Hecuba” that he interrupted the play and rushed out of the theater as he wept. North then refers to the “guiltyconscience …of this cruel and heathen tyrant.” Naturally, Claudius does indeed react exactly like North’s tyrant, stopping the play and rushing from the room. [1]
North’s Plutarch’s Lives
Shakespeare’s Hamlet
in a theater, where the tragedy of Troades of Euripides was played, he went out of the Theater, and sent word to the players notwithstanding, that they should go on with their play, as if he had been still among them, saying, that he came not away for any misliking he had of them or of the play, but because he was ashamed his people should see him weep to see the miseries of Hecuba …The guiltyconscience therefore of this cruel and heathen tyrant did make him tremble… –325 play, players, weep, Hecuba, tyrant, guilty conscience
Oh, what a rogue and peasant slave am I! / Is it not monstrous that this player here, /But in a fiction, in a dream of passion, Could force his soul so to his own conceit … /For Hecuba! What’s Hecuba to him, or he to Hecuba, That he should weep for her? /… I have heard /That guilty creatures sitting at a play Have by the very cunning of the scene /Been struck so to the soul that presently /They have proclaimed their malefactions. For murder, though it have no tongue, will speak With most miraculous organ. /I’ll have these playersPlay something like the murder of my father / Before mine uncle. … … The play’s the thing Wherein I’ll catch the conscience of the King. –2.2.550-53, 558-60, 589-98, 605-606 Play, players, weep, Hecuba, tyrant, guilty, conscience
In other words, in Hamlet, the actor’s description of Hecuba’s woes is not random. It was meant to evoke the classical roots of the scheme that Hamlet was about to set into action, which in turn provides one of many examples of his prodigious education: Hamlet does not suggest he is inventing the idea himself; he says that he has heard that carefully crafted plays have triggered guilty spectators. He knows the Plutarchan tale of Alexander of Pherae, and he is going to refashion a similar situation for Claudius.
[1] John Upton, Sir John Hawkins, and George Steevens all discuss the use of the Alexander of Pherae tale in the eighteenth century. For what may be the definitive history of scholarly thoughts on the borrowing, see Frank N. Clary Jr., “Hamlet’s Mousetrap and the Play-within-the-Anecdote of Plutarch,” in Reading Readings: Essays on Shakespeare Editing in the Eighteenth Century, ed. Joanna Gondris (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1999), 164-97.
In The Dial of Princes, North contrasts the poor state of human beings, who are born naked and defenseless, with that of beasts, who possess a number of natural gifts that help them survive: “to birds she [Nature] hath given wings … to the lions teeth … to the foxes subtilty” (471). The chapter especially stresses that people have nothing that can help defend them from extremities of the seasons. So they have to borrow their clothes from the beasts:
“… to brute beasts nature hath given clothing, wherewith they may keep themselves from the heat of summer and defend themselves from the cold of winter: which is manifest, for that to lambs and sheep she hath given wool, to birds feathers, to hogs bristles… “Finally, I say, there is no beast, which hath need with his hands to make any garment, nor yet to borrow it of another. Of all this the miserable man is deprived, who is born all naked, and dieth all naked, not carrying with him one only garment: and if in the time of his life he will use any garment, he must demand of the beasts, both leather and wool. …” “We must also think and consider, that for so much as nature hath provided the beasts of garments, she hath also taken from them the care of what they ought to eat”
–North’s Dial (470)
North repeats these ideas again, stressing once more that while these beasts are endowed with various abilities to do us harm, we still must beg help from them, especially for our clothing:
For the lions do fear [frighten] us, the wolves devour our sheep, the dogs do bite us, the cats scratch us … Oh, poor and miserable man, who for to sustain this wretched life, is enforced to beg all things that he needeth of the beasts. For the beasts do give him wool, the beasts do draw him water, the beasts do carry him from place to place
–North’s Dial (472)
This is the origin of the exchange in King Lear, describing the poverty of natural man, whose nakedness leaves them defenseless to the elements and requires him to beg the animals for clothes.
First, Lear laments the idea of impoverished and naked people who have nothing to defend themselves from the elements: “Oh Poor naked wretches, wheresoe’er you are, / That bide the pelting of this pitiless storm, How shall your houseless heads/ … defend you/ From seasons such as these? Oh, I have ta’en Too little care of this!” (3.4.28-33)
In the hovel, Lear then encounters one of those “poor naked wretches”—Poor Tom, who compares his past life to those of beasts: “hog in sloth, fox in stealth, wolf in greediness, dog in madness, lion in prey” (3.4.92-93). This litany of beast qualities anticipates Lear’s response in which he notes that Poor Tom is the perfect example of the natural state of the human race, stressing that the seemingly unfortunate drifter has not begged the beasts for his clothing.
Lear: Thou wert better in a grave than to answer with thy uncovered body this extremity of the skies. Is man no more than this? Consider him well. Thou ow’st the worm no silk, the beast no hide, the sheep no wool, the cat no perfume. Ha! Here’s three on’s are sophisticated; thou art the thing itself. Unaccommodated man is no more but such a poor, bare, forked animal as thou art. Off, off, you lendings!
Oh, poor and miserable man, who for to sustain this wretched life … who is born all naked, and dieth all naked … defend themselves from the cold of winter –472, 470
Poor naked wretches, wheresoe’er you are, That bide the pelting of this pitiless storm, How shall your houseless heads … defend you From seasons such as these? –3.4.28-32
she hath also taken … care of [animals’ need to eat] –470
Oh, I haveta’en / Too little careof [people’s poverty]! –3.4.32-33
the lions do fear us, the wolves devour our sheep, the dogs do bite us, the cats scratch us … to lambs and sheep …to hogs bristles … the beasts –472, 470
hog in sloth, fox in stealth, wolf in greediness, dog in madness, lion in prey. … the beast … the sheep … the cat –3.4.92-93, 103-104
sheep she hath given wool… Oh, poor and miserable man … naked … must demand of the beasts, both leather [i.e., their hide] and wool –470
Is man no more than this? …Thou ow’st the worm no silk,the beast no hide, the sheep no wool … Unaccommodated man is no more but such a poor, bare, forked animal –3.4.101-106
[i] Most editors and scholars credit John Florio’s translation of Essays Written in French by Michael Lord of Montaigne (1603) as the source for this passage in King Lear. As quoted in Fred Parker, “Shakespeare’s Argument with Montaigne,” The Cambridge Quarterly 28.1 (1999): 1-18, the passage reads: “when I considerman all naked … we may be excused for borrowing those which nature had therein favored more than us, with their beauties to adorn us, and under their spoils of wool, of hair, of feathers, and of silk to shroud us” (9). North’s Dial also contains all these shared content words (excepting only silk), and it also contains a dozen more (and far more peculiar elements). Still, scholars are obviously correct that this passage of Montaigne shares some kind of literary kinship with the corresonding passage in King Lear. But that is because Montaigne, as he was wont to do, was also borrowing from the source text for North’s Dial of Princes—Guevara’s Reloj de Principes. Moreover, Montaigne has so severely abbreviated and reworded Guevara’s passage that it leaves no doubt as to the true origin of Lear’s observations. Montaigne even put his own spin on it, arguing that the naked man borrows from other creatures because he is so naturally ugly and uses it to make himself beautiful. In contrast, both The Dial and King Lear argue that the naked man is defenseless and must borrow from the animals to survive the elements: North’s Dial: “defend themselves from the cold of winter”; King Lear: “defend you / From seasons such as these” (3.4.31-32).
Thomas North would publish his first translation, The Dial of Princes, in 1557, seven years before Shakespeare was born. And we do not even complete its first page before we come across something that sounds suspiciously Shakespearean — specifically, a passage that reads much like Iago’s speech on the thief of reputation in Othello.
North’s Dial of Princes
Shakespeare’s Othello
Oh, would to God there were no greater thieves in the world than those which rob the temporal goods of the rich, and that we did not wink continually at them which take away the good renown as well of the rich as of the poor. But we chastise the one, and dissemble with the other, which is evidently seen, how the thief that stealeth my neighbour’s gown is hanged forthwith, but he that robbeth me of my good name walketh still before my door. –General Prologue (1-2)
Good name in man and woman, dear my lord, Is the immediate jewel of their souls. Who steals my purse steals trash; ’tis something, nothing; Twas mine, ’tis his, and has been slave to thousands; But he that filches from me my good name Robs me of that which not enriches him And makes me poor indeed. —3.3.168-74
that stealeth my but he that robbeth me of my good name rich-poor
who steals my but he that filches from me my good name / Robs me of enriches-poor
The similarities between the passages are pronounced. Both are emphasizing the differences between a thief of property and a thief of reputation, noting the latter does much more harm. Both begin analogously: North claims that good renown is more valuable than what is taken by those which rob the temporal goods; likewise, Iago emphasizes that Good name is more valuable than what is taken by one who steals my purse. North stresses that the material wealth is temporal, and Iago follows suit: ’tis something, nothing; / ’Twas mine, ’tis his. Both then group the phrases who steals my (that stealeth me), robs me of (robbeth me of), and the antithetical pairing, (en)rich–poor. The clincher is the similar nine-word line:
The Dial: But he thatrobbeth me of my good name
Othello:But he thatfilches fromme my good name / Robs me of …
While Iago substitutes filches from me for robbeth me of, he still says robs me of in the next three words. Thus, both passages juxtapose but he that, robs me of, and mygood name.
A search for a juxtaposition of these phrases in Early English Books Online (EEBO), the gold-standard of databases for early modern English literature, confirms that the borrowing is unique. Indeed, even just a search for “but he that” within 10 words of “my good name” yields only North’s Dial and two versions of Shakespeare’s Othello.[1] It is an exclusive grouping used to express the same distinctive idea, and it includes numerous other echoes as well.
Figure shows the results of an EEBO search for all works that place “but he that” within 10 words of “my good name.”
No one else used this language in any known 16th- or 17th-century texts except North and Shakespeare. Google and Google Books also confirm that Shakespeare was following North.
Still, while many have accepted that North’s passage is clearly the inspiration for Iago’s speech, some who are not amenable to the North theory have tried to dispute it, claiming the resemblances are just coincidental and passage may have another origin. I respond directly to such a claim by Ros Barber in the video below, beginning at time-stamp 15:18. It is simply indisputable that Iago’s speech derives from North’s Dial.
[1] EEBO’s Boolean operators NEAR and PRE allow one to check for a particular word or phrase that is near or precedes another particular word or phrase. The default size of the grouping is four words, but this can be changed by adding a slash and number to the operator. So NEAR/10 searches for a word or phrase within 10 words of another word or phrase. Placing word-strings in quotes allows one to search for that specific phrase. Placing word-strings in quotes and curly brackets [e.g., “{but he that}” NEAR/10 “{my good name}”] searches for those phrases and includes possible variations in spelling for each word — an important factor in checking 16th and 17th century works. All such searches for “but he that” near “my good name” yields only North’s Dial and Shakespeare’s Othello. As indicated in the figure, the tragedy also appeared in the 1623 collection, Mr. William Shakespeare’s Comedies, Histories, and Tragedies, more commonly known today as the First Folio.
Other relevant passages in The Dial express a similar idea: “the noble hearts ought little to esteem the increase of their riches, and ought greatly to esteem the perpetuity of their good name” (243); “they should less hurt the master of the house, to ransack and spoil his house, and all that he had in it, than to take from him his honor and good name. …For to conclude, it were less evil to play and lose their money than to rob and spoil his neighbor of his good name.” (115)
The short answer is: 21st-century digital technologies. Before the advent of literary databases, like Google Books and Early English Books Online, and new computer tools, like plagiarism software, this discovery could never have been made. In the past, a scholar wanting to read certain books or manuscripts might have to pack a suitcase and renew her passport. Today, everyone with a computer has instantaneous access to the greatest libraries in the world, to their every room and bookshelf. More, we also have miraculous search-engines to aid us in our research. Not unlike Prospero’s fairy-servant Ariel in The Tempest, these supernatural assistants seem to conquer space and time to do our bidding. They will instantly retrieve any book or manuscript, from any century, even open up the old text to the right page and direct us to the exact passage and line that we need to read.
Searchable databases of 16th and 17th-century texts not only helped reveal Thomas North as Nashe’s “English Seneca,” the original author of Hamlet, they also prompted the discovery of little-known records and other obscure references in rare works that also exposed North’s authorship of the plays. They permitted access to Elizabethan account-books establishing North as a playwright for Leicester’s Men, revealed important comments on North’s playwriting history from Tudor era writers and North-family descendants, located Shakespeare-related manuscripts from the North-family library as well as North’s travel diary, providing important details of his journey throughout France and Italy. All this served to unveil North’s playwriting history. Then, plagiarism software uncovered the origins of thousands of Shakespeare’s lines and passages in North’s writings, both published and unpublished.
Another question I often hear is: “Why didn’t anyone complain about this? Why didn’t people at the time mention that Shakespeare was just working from old plays?” I always respond that many people did complain about it—and many of these complaints are well known. Literary insiders repeatedly bemoaned the fact that Shakespeare was getting too much credit for adapting the works of an earlier playwright (or playwrights), and these grumblings began when Shakespeare was alive and continued during the decades after his death.
One should not necessarily blame Shakespeare for this –as four of the first five title pages that carried his name or initials clarified that he was merely modifying earlier works. Moreover, while it is not true that other renowned playwrights of the era–e.g., Christopher Marlowe, Ben Jonson, Thomas Dekker, etc.–also extracted whole plays from the texts of a contemporary (borrowing the whole plot, all the characters, and dozens of passages as we find with the Roman plays), it is true that many other dramatists adapted and corrected old plays. Indeed, as Neil Carson writes about the theatrical records of Shakespeare’s contemporary, Philip Henslowe: “by far the majority of payments for revisions recorded in Henslowe’s diary are to single authors for changes in other men’s work. In some cases we do not know the names of the original authors….” (A Companion to Henslowe’s Diary, 77). Ben Jonson, Thomas Dekker, Thomas Middleton, Henry Chettle — all received payment for their work on older plays. The only difference is that, unlike these other playwrights, Shakespeare would become such a well-known and popular figure-head of the Globe theater and the King’s Men, that he ended up getting full authorial credit for the plays that he corrected and adapted –though this was not exactly his fault and mostly happened after he died. For example, Shakespeare never published such obvious works of North as the Roman plays.
Still, other writers of the era knew about Shakespeare’s use of old plays and still expressed frustration at all the money and applause he was getting for adapting them. Importantly, these comments below are also consistent with everything else we know about Shakespeare — including all the references to seemingly Shakespearean plays (in Revels accounts, in anti-theater-pamphlets, in satires) long before Shakespeare could have written them; and the widely-known fact, accepted by all renowned Shakespearean source-scholars, that Shakespeare frequently remade old plays.
Shakespeare, the Upstart Crow (1592)
The first widely-accepted literary allusion to Shakespeare appeared in the satirical pamphlet A Groatsworth of Wit in 1592, allegedly written by the playwright Robert Greene.[1]
A) Yes, trust them not: for there is an upstart crow,* beautified with our feathers, that with his Tiger’s heart wrap’t in a Player’s hide, supposes he is as well able to bombast out a blank verse as the best of you: and being an absolute Johannes Factotum, is in his own conceit the only Shake–scene in a country. O that I might entreat your rare wits to be employed in more profitable courses: & let those apes imitate your past excellence, and never more acquaint them with your admired inventions B) Yes, trust them [actors] not: for there is an upstart plagiarist, decorated with our work, that with his “Tiger’s heart wrapped in an actor’s hide,” supposes he is a great writer who is as well able to bombast out verse as the best of you. And being an absolute Jack-of-all-trades fancies himself a great and thundering actor too—the only Shake-scene in a country. Oh, I do implore you to use your rare creativity and intelligence in more profitable courses: & let those apes create imitations of your past works, and never give them any more plays to adapt…
–A) Thomas Nashe, Groatsworth of Wit, 1592 (21)[2] and B) MODERN TRANSLATION OF “GROATSWORTH” PASSAGe
*The crow is a classical symbol for plagiarist discussed in a fable by Horace (see John Dover-Wilson’s explanation below).
The Groatsworth passage is particularly significant because it is conventional that “upstart crow” and “Shake-scene” refer to Shakespeare. Nashe’s line is now so notorious that Katherine Duncan-Jones used it for the title of her biography, Shakespeare: Upstart Crow to Sweet Swan: 1592-1623. And Upstart Crow was also the name of a 2016 BBC sitcom on Shakespeare
One give-away to the crow’s identity is the line “Tiger’s heart wrap’t in a Player’s hide,” which is a parody of a line from 3 HenryVI: “Oh, tiger’s heart wrapped in a woman’s hide!” (1.4.137). Even more significantly, it is a parody of a stolen line. This line not only appears in 3 Henry VI, it also appeared in True Tragedy, Richard Duke of York, a briefer, rewritten staged adaptation of the play (in fact, as will be shown in a later work, True Tragedy is the version Shakespeare himself wrote—just as its title-page states).
Scholars have also correctly concluded that Shakespeare was being denounced in the Groatsworth passage as a plagiarist because a crow beautified with the feathers of others comes from Horace’s classical fable on plagiarism. As John Dover Wilson, editor of Cambridge’s “New Shakespeare” editions, writes about the reference:
[Horace] then goes on to warn Celsus not to pilfer from other writers any longer, lest those he has robbed should return one day to claim their feathers, when like the crow (cornicula) stripped of its stolen splendour (furtivis nudata coloribus), he would become a laughing-stock. … the crow in other birds’ feathers was closely associated with the idea of literary theft in the mind of anyone who knew anything of the classics and of many who did not.
J. Dover Wilson, “Malone and the Upstart Crow,” [3]
Dover Wilson also stresses that the comment “was accusing Shakespeare of stealing and adapting plays upon Henry VI …”[4]
A Pic of Dover Wilson’s page Introducing the “Upstart Crow” passage
Likewise, Peter Berek notes a similar crow-feather passage from the era that provides “quite explicit support” for the view that the Groatsworth comment “is accusing Shakespeare of being a plagiarist who takes credit for the work of other writers …”[5] This is, of course, exactly correct. And, in fact, as will be shown, the main person being addressed was Thomas North.
2. He would “Buy the Reversion of Old Plays” and “Marks Not Whose ‘Twas First ”—Ben Jonson (1600–1612)
Ben Jonson also describes Shakespeare as a patcher of old plays—adding new details about North and Shakespeare in Every Man In His Humor, Epicene, and, especially, Cynthia’s Revels. In “On Poet-Ape,” a poem likely written between 1600 and 1612, he describes the chief dramatist of the era as a “thief” who would “buy the reversion of old plays” (reversion, a legal term, meaning the right of possession):
Poor Poet-Ape, that would be thought our chief,
Whose works are e’en the frippery of wit,
From brokage is become so bold a thief,
As we, the robbed, leave rage, and pity it.
At first he made low shifts, would pick and glean,
Buy the reversion of old plays; now grown
To a little wealth, and credit in the scene,
He takes up all, makes each man’s wit his own.
And, told of this, he slights it. Tut, such crimes
The sluggish gaping auditor devours;
He marks not whose ’twas first: and after-times
May judge it to be his, as well as ours.
Fool, as if half-eyes will not know a fleece
From locks of wool, or shreds from the whole piece![6]
“Poet-Ape” refers to a poet-imitator, and, as Elizabethan and Jacobean satirists commonly referred to actors as apes, “Poet-Ape” could mean poet-actor. The epigram thus refers to a poor poet-imitator (or playwright-actor) who “would be thought our chief,” that is, the chief dramatist of the time. “Frippery,” in the second line, refers to a consignment shop, where old clothes are bought and re-sold. “Wit” refers to intelligence, especially creative intelligence; in the context here, it refers to the creativity and invention that goes into writing plays. Thus, a collection of works that are a “frippery of wit” is a collection of old, used plays that have been bought and resold. “Brokage” also refers to the trade of dealing—buying and selling—and “Buy the reversion of old plays,” refers to purchasing rights to produce and adapt them.
Although Jonson does not name Shakespeare in the poem, it is clear he is his target. Jonson’s poet-ape in fact recalls Nashe’s characterization of Shake-scene and his group—“let those apes imitate your past excellence . …”[7] And Shakespeare had indeed become a man of means and reputation—“grown / To a little wealth, and credit in the scene.”
But perhaps the most significant form of internal evidence is that Jonson wrote the poem in the style of a Shakespearean sonnet: 14 lines of iambic pentameter, divided into three quatrains and a heroic couplet. The rhyme scheme links every other line until the last two: abab cdcd efef gg.[8] None of the other 100 or so poems in the 1616 collection of Jonson’s Workes is written in this style. Nor is Jonson the only person to identify Shakespeare in this manner. In a 1599 collection of epigrams, John Weever published a poem entitled Ad Gulielmum Shakespeare; again, he is careful to frame only that poem in this same Shakespearean style. As Honigmann writes (while quoting his prior work), “John Weever’s Epigrammes (1599) contains about 150 poems, most of them between 4 and 20 lines in length. ‘One, and only one, is fourteen lines long, and takes the form of a Shakespearian sonnet,’ the epigram addressed ‘Ad Gulielmum Shakespeare.’”[9]
But even if Jonson had not chosen that style for the poem, we still have external evidence confirming its subject. First, Leonard Digges (1588-1635), from the next generation of poets, outraged at Jonson’s slights against Shakespeare, wrote a poem defending the King’s Men’s dramatist. In “Upon Master William Shakespeare,” Digges repeatedly paraphrases Jonson and references the satirist’s works. He also stresses that, despite what Jonson claims, Shakespeare most certainly did not “Plagiary-like from others glean/ Nor begs he from each wittyfriend a scene…”[10] This rebuttal of Jonson’s lines employs the same glean-scene-witgrouping in “On Poet-Ape”: “At first he made low shifts, would pick and glean, / Buy the reversion of old plays; now grown / To a little wealth, and credit in the scene, / He takes up all, makes each man’s wit his own.” Clearly, Digges believed that “On Poet-Ape” was an attack on Shakespeare.
Finally, it is conventional that when John Lyly had famously admitted to borrowing from Thomas North, he used the same language: “if I seem to glean after another’s cart for a few ears of corn, orof the tailor’s shreds to make me a livery, I will not deny …” Lyly scholars agree the writer is referring to his pilfering of North’s Dial of Princes and Plutarch’s Lives.[11] Jonson has purposefully echoed Lyly’sglean-livery-shredsline (Jonson: glean-frippery-shreds from the whole piece) because North’s clothing was once again being snatched.
For a full understanding of “On Poet-Ape,” it is important to remember that Shakespeare worked with other writers as well, including Thomas Nashe, Christopher Marlowe, Thomas Middleton, John Marston, and George Wilkins. Also, other non-Northern plays were published with Shakespeare’s name or initials on the title-page, like Locrine, A Yorkshire Tragedy, The London Prodigal, and Sir John Oldcastle. A play with the same title as this latter work had also been published by Henslowe’s group, for whom Jonson also wrote. Currently, scholars believe that various corrupt printers were publishing these differently-styled, mediocre works in an attempt to profit from Shakespeare’s name, a conspiracy theory that will be examined in a later work. Regardless, the point is that Jonson had seen Shakespeare as a competitor who had first become famous by adapting works of North but also began reworking other people’s plays as well. A modern translation of “On Poet-Ape” makes it clear that this was the subject of Jonson’s displeasure:
Poor actor/poet-imitator, who would be thought our best dramatist,
Whose works are like old garments that have been bought and re-sold.
Play-brokering has turned him into a bold thief.
And we [fellow-writers], the robbed, are no longer angry but pity it.
First he made subtle robberies, would be choosy and pick and glean.
He would buy reversions of old plays [like Hamlet and Henry V].
Now that he has become a little wealthy and famous in the theater scene,
He takes everything and is getting credit for everyone’s creations [like Middleton’s Yorkshire Tragedy and Sir John Oldcastle]:
And, told of this, he slights it. Tut, his crimes
Are eaten up by the dull-witted, awed audience member.
He doesn’t credit the original author, and future generations
May actually think the works are his -- as well as ours.
The Fool, as if even half-closed eyes cannot tell the difference
Between a beautiful, coherent play [like the original version of The Jew of Venice] from the pieces and shreds he puts together from the whole [like the staged and extant Merchant of Venice].
The most straightforward reading of Jonson’s epigram is that Shakespeare bought reversions of old plays and pasted and patched together new plays from them, keeping the “shreds” of “old plays” that he liked. He also neglected to mark the original author, and Jonson expresses concern that Shakespeare would eventually get full credit, that is, “after-times / May judge it to be his.” The poem is a satirical but unequivocal contemporary report of Shakespeare’s playwriting methods.
3. Jonson’s Ode to Himself (~1629)
Ben Jonson’s self-addressed poem, “Ode to Himself,” makes the same argument about Shakespeare as does his “On Poet Ape,” except that Jonson opts for a culinary metaphor rather than a sartorial one. More importantly, he explicitly references Shakespeare’s Pericles:
No doubt a mouldy tale,
Like Pericles, and stale
As the shrieve’s crusts, and nasty as his fish,
Scraps out [of] every dish,
Thrown forth and raked into the common tub,
May keep up the play club.
There, sweepings do as well
As the best-ordered meal:
For who the relish of these guests will fit,
Needs set them but the alms-basket of wit.[12]
This is the same description of play-crafting as in “On Poet-Ape.” Here, Jonson complains that plays like Shakespeare’s Pericles were popular despite the fact that they were based on an old work (a “mouldy tale”) and comprise “Scraps … / Thrown forth and raked into the common tub.” As in “Poet-Ape,” in which Jonson complains that the audience cannot distinguish a beautiful “fleece / From locks of wool, or shreds from the whole piece!” here he complains that the audience cannot distinguish “sweepings [of table scraps]” from “the best ordered meal.” As in “On Poet-Ape,” in which Jonson grumbles that Shakespeare’s plays are the “frippery of wit,” here he derides Pericles as the “alms-basket of wit.” A “frippery” denotes a place where old clothes of the rich are reused; an “alms-basket” denotes a place where old food of the rich is reused. This, again, is a cotemporaneous document, penned by a literary insider, identifying a play in the Shakespeare canon as the product of scraps and sweepings of an older play.
4. Ravenscroft: Shakespeare was not the original author of Titus Andronicus (1687)
Even in the decades after Shakespeare’s death, writers would still make similar comments. In 1687, Edward Ravenscroft wrote an adaptation of Shakespeare’s Titus Andronicus, and in the preface he recorded the following tidbit:
I have been told by some anciently conversant with the stage that it [Titus Andronicus] was not originally [Shakespeare’s] … and he only gave some master-touches to one or two of the principal parts or characters.
Edward Ravenscroft, prefatory note to Reader to his adaptation of, Titus Andronicus (1687)[13]
Naturally, we do not find similar comments regarding any other renowned author. We do not come across any fellow writers decrying Christopher Marlowe, Leo Tolstoy, or Jane Austen as plagiarists who got too much credit for works of other authors. We do not see any later playwright saying that they heard from an old theatrical insider that Long Day’s Journey into Night was not originally Eugene O’Neill’s or A Doll’s House was not Henrik Ibsen’s. There is a reason we keep finding this same claim repeated about Shakespeare: It was true.
5. Shakespeare Adapted the Plays of an Impoverished Historian (1728)
Later writers also mentioned these same rumors about Shakespeare. In a 1728 text entitled An Essay Against Too Much Reading, an anonymous author using the pen-name “Captain Thomas Goulding” recorded an interesting account of Shakespeare’s playwriting methods that he claims originally came from one of the dramatist’s “intimate acquaintance.” He wrote that Shakespeare kept an historian within his employ, a man who otherwise “might have starved upon his history,” and it was this man who first wrote the plays that Shakespeare later adapted:
I will give you a short account of Mr. Shakespeare’s proceeding, and that I had from one of his intimate acquaintance. His being imperfect in some things was owing to his not being a Scholar, which obliged him to have one of those chuckle-pated historians for his particular associate, that could scarce speak a word but upon that subject; and he maintained him [the historian] or he might have starved upon his history. And when he wanted anything in his [the historian’s] way, as his plays were all historical, he sent to him, and took down the heads of what was for his purpose in characters, which were thirty times as quick as running to the books to read for it. Then with his natural flowing wit, he [Shakespeare] worked it into all shapes and forms, as his beautiful thoughts directed. The other put it into grammar; and instead of reading, he [Shakespeare] stuck close to writing and study without book…. [Shakespeare] was no scholar, no grammarian, no historian, and in all probability could not write English.
Thomas Goulding, “An Essay Against Too Much Reading,” (1728) [xiv]
This rumor is, of course, true. Indeed, North’s major translations were collections of histories and, by 1781, his Plutarch would become known as “Shakespeare’s storehouse of learned history.”[xv]North was this hired historian, and it is true that he sold his plays to Shakespeare in order to escape poverty.
6. “A Botcher up of old plays” (1837)
Isaac Disraeli (1766-1848) was a well-known writer and literary historian who studied many of the same Elizabethan satirists and pamphlets that I had first started investigating with digital technologies in 2005. This includes the works of Thomas Nashe and Gabriel Harvey. Thus, it is probably no coincidence that in the novel Venetia (1837), written by Isaac’s son Benjamin Disraeli, we find the following remark:
And who is Shakespeare? … We know of him as much as we do of Homer. Did he write half the plays attributed to him? Did he ever write a single whole play? I doubt it. He appears to me to have been an inspired adapter for the theaters, which were then not as good as barns. I take him to have been a botcher up of old plays.
7. “[Shakespeare] was not the author but the adapter of them to the stage” (1837)
Also in 1837, the same year as the publication of Disraeli’s Venetia, British historian Samuel Astley Dunham wrote entries for Dionysius Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopaedia. Dunham was renowned for his “original research and sound judgement.” A friend of Dunham’s, Robert Southey, described him as an indefatigable researcher since a young boy, someone who would spare no expense and brook no obstacle in uncovering new details, making four extensive tours of Europe on scholarly missions.[17] Dunham’s contribution to the Cyclopaedia appeared in volumes dedicated to the Lives of the Most Eminent Literary and Scientific Men of Great Britain and focused on early writers and dramatists. His long biographical treatment of William Shakespeare was particularly thorough and included the following conclusion:
[W]e must observe that in the beginning of his [Shakespeare’s] career—for years indeed after he became connected with the stage—that extraordinary man was satisfied with reconstructing the pieces which others had composed; he was not the author but the adapter of them to the stage.Indeed we are of opinion that the number of plays which he thus recast as well as those in which he made very slight alterations is greater than any of his commentators have supposed.
Astley Dunham, “William Shakespeare,” Lives of the Most Eminent Literary and Scientific Men of Great Britain,[18]
Later in the work, Dunham repeated this claim: “In fact there is not one drama of our author prior to 1600—perhaps not one after that year—that was not derived from some other play.”[19]
Right here is the fork in the road. This is the moment where an offshoot and fringe theory about Shakespeare’s authorship began to develop. One particular writer, the American lawyer and novelist Joseph Hart, was especially shocked by Dunham’s biography of Shakespeare. In fact, it infuriated him. Hart soon began investigating the life of Shakespeare himself and published his conclusions in “The Romance of Yachting” (1848). As one might expect from the title, Hart devoted much of the book to descriptions of sea travel, particularly his own voyage across the Atlantic to Spain. But in one of the later chapters, he quotes a work of Samuel Purchas, an early seventeenth-century publisher of travelogues, and used it as a segue: “Shakespeare lived about the same time with Purchas,” he wrote. And then Hart continued discussing the Stratford playwright for the next 35 pages. Hart argued that Shakespeare lacked the education and experiences to create the plays attributed to him. “[Shakespeare] merely adapted other people’s works to the playing stage, like a Theatrical Factotum, as Greene calls him [in Groatsworth of Wit], and he was nothing else.”[20] Hart frequently quoted long stretches of Dunham’s biographical entries in the Cyclopaedia, stressing that Shakespeare was not the originator of these works, and his anger about it is palpable. “It is a fraud upon the world to thrust his surreptitious fame upon us,” Hart ranted, and followed it up with an important question: “The enquiry will be, who were the able literary men who wrote the dramas imputed to him?”[21]
Literary historians frequently describe Hart’s “Romance of Yachting” as the first known “anti-Stratfordian” work, that is, the first known published text that challenged Shakespeare’s authorship of the plays. But it is not exactly true that Hart denied that Shakespeare was a dramatist. He did agree that Shakespeare adapted the plays, but that the credit for their genius should be placed elsewhere. Still, over the next 75 years, there was an explosion of speculation about the original authorship of the plays as amateur researchers on both sides of the Atlantic entered the fray. Candidates for the original authorship of the plays began popping up every few decades or so: first, Francis Bacon was supposed to have been the true author of the canon, then it was Christopher Marlowe. No, argued Thomas Looney in 1920, it was really the Earl of Oxford. Wild conspiracy theories also started to proliferate: Bacon used ciphers to create codes within the canon; Christopher Marlowe was a spy who faked his own death; the Earl of Southampton was the love-child of Oxford and Queen Elizabeth; etc. Almost no speculation, no matter how feverish and wild-eyed, seemed to strain credulity. At the same time, their attacks on Shakespeare also became more outrageous and hostile. Eventually, many anti-Stratfordians began to claim Shakespeare was actually an illiterate stooge and wrote no plays at all. He was just an ignorant front-man for their particular candidate, propped up by the powers-that-be for murky political reasons. Shakespeare scholars easily dispatched all these fanciful new theories. But in the ensuing ruckus, there was one important point that seemed to get lost—a point that insiders have repeatedly made since 1592: Shakespeare was not the original author of these plays, and up until now, we didn’t know who was.
ENDNOTES:
[1] Robert Greene had just died before the publication of A Groatsworth of Wit (1592), and in the ensuing months the satirist Thomas Nashe and Henry Chettle published strenuous denials that they were the ones who wrote the pamphlet—and then passed it off on the recently deceased Greene. In fact, as will be shown in future publications, it is quite clear that Nashe and Chettle were lying—and that Nashe was the primary author of the work. Nashe and Chettle denied authorship because the first part of the pamphlet contained an insulting family history of Thomas North, including negative portrayals of Thomas’s father and brother—the 1st and 2nd Lord Norths, respectively. Groatsworth is the first work to explain in detail how North came to write plays for Shakespeare.
Importantly, Nashe was not the only satirist who published works about North and Shakespeare. Gabriel Harvey, Samuel Daniel, the anonymous author of Histriomastix, and, most especially, Ben Jonson also wrote about the elderly literatus and his most famous disciple. What is more, they all told the same story: Shakespeare, the young and wealthy play-producer, adapted the plays of an elderly, well-travelled playwright—one they repeatedly identify as Thomas North. Their commentary is so consistent, illuminating, and persuasive that we may literally ignore all other proofs of North’s authorship of Shakespeare’s source plays—all of North’s travels, experiences, and prose passages that he put into his plays and all the external unpublished manuscripts linking him to the canon—and turn exclusively to the satires for a rigorous proof that Thomas North wrote the plays Shakespeare adapted for the stage.
[2] [Thomas Nashe], Greenes, Groats-worth of witte, bought with a million of Repentance. Describing the follie of youth, the falshoode of makeshift flatterers, the miserie of the negligent, and mischiefes of deceiving Courtezans.Written before his death and published at his dyeing request (London: Imprinted for William Wright, 1592).
[3] J. Dover Wilson, “Malone and the Upstart Crow,” Shakespeare Survey 4 (1951): 56-68; 65.
[4] J. Dover Wilson, “Malone and the Upstart Crow,” 57.
[5] Peter Berek, “The ‘Upstart Crow,’ Aesop’s Crow, and Shakespeare as A Reviser,” Shakespeare Quarterly 35.2 (1984): 205-207; 206.
[6] Ben Jonson, “On Poet-Ape,” in Ben Jonson: The Complete Poems, ed. George Parfitt (1975; New York: Viking Penguin, 1988), 51. Scott McCrea notes that “many scholars think Jonson’s ‘Poet-Ape’ is Shakespeare,” but he stresses that the charge is one of plagiarism, “not of concealing someone else.” See Scott McCrea, The Case for Shakespeare: The End of the Authorship Question (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 2005), 21.
[7] [Thomas Nashe], Greenes, Groats-worth of witte, 21.
[8] Those who contend that Jonson was not referring to Shakespeare point out that other playwrights—Thomas Heywood and Anthony Munday, for example—were also actors at some point. Moreover, Shakespeare did not invent the “Shakespearean sonnet,” as it appeared in the 1580s; poets, including Philip Sidney, Samuel Daniel, and Edmund Spenser, also tried it. Yet Shakespeare is the one playwright-actor who fits all the details.
[9] E. A. J. Honigmann, “The First Performances of Shakespeare’s Sonnets,” in Shakespeare Performed: Essays in Honor of R. A. Foakes,ed. Grace Ioppolo (Newark: University of Delaware Press),131-48;134. See also E. A. J. Honigmann, Shakespeare: The Lost Years (1985; Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), 54.
[10] Leon. Digges, “Upon Master WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE, the Deceased Authour, and his POEMS,” in Poems: Written by Wil. Shake-speare. Gent. (Printed at London by Tho. Cotes, and are to be sold by John Benson, dwelling in St. Dunstans Church-yard, 1640), EEBO document image 3.
[11] In his edition of the works of John Lyly, R. Warrick Bond quotes these lines above, beginning with “if I seem to glean” and takes for granted that Lyly here is referring to Thomas North. “It is noticeable, however,” writes Bond, “that throughout his work he never mentions either North or Plutarch or [George] Pettie by name.” The Complete Works of John Lyly: Now for the First Time Collected and Edited from the Earliest Quartos with Life, Bibliography, Essays, Notes, and Index, ed. R. Warwick Bond (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1902), 154n1. See also John Lyly, Euphues and his England (London: Gabriel Cawood, 1580), 3-4.
[12] Ben Jonson, “The just indignation the Author tooke at the vulgar censure of his Play, by some malicious spectators, begat this following Ode to himselfe,” Epilogue The nevv inne. Or, The light heart A comoedy. As it was neuer acted, but most negligently play’d, by some, the Kings Seruants. And more squeamishly beheld, and censured by others, the Kings subiects. 1629. Now, at last, set at liberty to the readers, his Maties seruants, and subiects, to be iudg’d. 1631 (London: Thomas Alchorne, 1631), EEBO document image 62. In a few subsequent versions of this poem published after Jonson died in 1640, the lines are “There, sweepings do as well / As the best-ordered meal” were altered so as to include a disciple of Jonson, Richard Brome, in the attack: “Brome’s sweepings do as well / There, as his master’s meal.” See Virginia Brackett, ed., “Ode to Himself,” in The Facts on File Companion to British Poetry: 17th and 18th Centuries (New York: Infobase Publishing, 2008), 290-92; 291.
[13] Edward Ravenscroft, prefatory note to Reader, Titus Andronicus, or the Rape of Lavinia (London: Printed by J. B. for J. Hindmarsh …, 1687), reprinted in William Shakespeare: The Critical Heritage, ed. Brian Vickers (London and Boston: Taylor & Francis, 1974), 1:238-39.
[14] Much of this passage and other relevant quotations of Goulding’s work appear in Alden Brooks, Shakespeare and the Dyer’s Hand (New York: C. Scribner and Sons, 1943), 87-88. Although Goulding’s work was published in 1728, more than 100 years after Shakespeare died, he still claims he “had” the account “from one of his [Shakespeare’s] intimate acquaintances.” It is possible he means that the account had originally come from an “intimate acquaintance.” For example, perhaps this author met a grandchild of one of Shakespeare’s fellow actors or neighbors, someone who reported this old story as coming directly from the Stratford dramatist’s inner circle. It is also possible he did hear this directly from someone who knew Shakespeare, some of his acquaintances having lived until the 1670s.
[15] Thomas Warton, The History of English Poetry: From the Eleventh to the Seventeenth Century. A full Reprint—Text and Notes-of Edition, London, 1778 & 1781 (London: Ward, Lock, and Co., 1875), 879.
[16] Interestingly, Disraeli puts this comment into the mouth of Lord Plantagenet Cadurcis, a character based on Lord Byron. Benjamin Disraeli, Venetia (London: Longmans, Green, 1890), 437.
[18] Samuel Astley Dunham, The Cabinet Cyclopaedia, Conducted by the Rev. Dionysius Lardner, LL.D., etc.: Eminent Literary and Scientific Men of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. II (London: Longman, Orme, Brown, Greene and Longmans, Pasternoster-Row; and John Taylor, Upper Gower Street, 1837), 35.
[19] Samuel Astley Dunham, Eminent Literary and Scientific Men of Great Britain and Ireland, Vol. II, 106.
[20] Joseph C. Hart, The Romance of Yachting (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1848), 220.
“Why would anyone write an Othello or a Macbeth and then not publish them so they could get credit for them and people could read them?”
This is perhaps the most common question that I hear, and it is an excellent one. I typically respond that Shakespeare never published the majority of his plays either — including Othello and Macbeth. Instead, most of Shakespeare’s plays were printed and attributed to him after he died. Why? At that time, plays were mostly meant to be performed in the theater, and there was not much of a market for them to be printed. And this was particularly true in the early Elizabethan era when North wrote most of his plays.
In their introduction to Lost Plays in Shakespeare’s England, David McInnis and Matthew Steggle estimate that roughly 3,000 plays were staged in the commercial theaters between 1567 to 1642, and of that number, only 543, or a little more than 18%, survive. The main reason so many plays are now lost is not that they were published and then perished but that they were never published in the first place. But as low as this number is, it is inflated by the percentages of the first half of the seventeenth century, when plays became increasingly popular. If we focus just on the 1500s, the percentage of printed plays is lower. For example, the business records of the Elizabethan theater-manager Philip Henslowe show that only 30 of the 280 plays that he produced between the years 1592 to 1603—a shade over 10%—are extant.[1] If we examine the decades that North mostly wrote—from the 1550s to 1580s—we find the percentage of printed plays was even lower.
And this is certainly understandable. The first truly successful public theater would not be built until 1576. Prior to that, plays were mostly a privileged diversion.
Noblemen, like the Earl of Leicester, funded the theater troupes, and they produced their plays before the Queen or at private manors, universities, or the Inns of Court. Naturally, publishers would have had little desire to produce scripts of plays about which the general public was largely ignorant. For example, Leicester’s theater troupe performed plays steadily for nearly 30 years (1559-88)—in London, in the suburbs, in tours to country estates and universities, even in Europe. Yet, as Terence Schoone-Jongen writes, “little information about Leicester’s repertory survives.”[2] Who wrote all the plays that they were performing for those decades? Scholars have not even ventured a guess at the identity of any of their playwrights. But new-found records now confirm that North did indeed write plays for Leicester’s Men.
Another confounding factor is that many of those plays that were printed during the Shakespeare era were published anonymously. Thus, our knowledge of Elizabethan playwrights often derives not from published title-pages but from the work of literary archaeologists who, through historical research and linguistic analyses, have uncovered their identity and reconstructed their oeuvres. Thomas Kyd, author of The Spanish Tragedy (~1588), was mostly unknown to literary scholars for centuries after his death. Prior to that, few had ever come across his name or knew the authorship of his plays. As described in the classic 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica:
Kyd remained until the last decade of the 19th century in what appeared likely to be impenetrable obscurity. Even his name was forgotten until Thomas Hawkins about 1773 discovered it in connexion with The Spanish Tragedy in Thomas Heywood’s Apologie for Actors. But by the industry of English and German scholars a great deal of light has since been thrown on his life and writings.
“Kyd, Thomas (1558-1594),” The Encyclopædia Britannica, 11th ed. (New York: The Encyclopædia Britannica Company, 1911), 15:958.
The early seventeenth century playwrights Thomas Middleton[3] and Anthony Munday[4] have similar stories. It is only through later scholars that the extent of their dramatic contributions has been realized. North is no different in this regard. He is just the latest playwright to be discovered and saved from obscurity through a posthumous reconstruction of his canon.
Most importantly, however, this point is entirely moot. The question is not really whether someone would write an early Hamlet, The Merchant of Venice, or Romeo and Juliet, et cetera, and then not publish them. We know that this necessarily happened. We have records of these earlier plays. We know they existed and that someone had to write them. The only question is: who?
[1] Neil Carson, A Companion to Henslowe’s Diary (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 82-84.
[2] Terence Schoone-Jongen, Shakespeare’s Companies: William Shakespeare’s Early Career and the Acting Companies, 1577-1594 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2008), 175.
[3] In the early twenty-first century, a similar effort was made to reconstruct the canon of Thomas Middleton, who also had remained little-studied until the nineteenth century. Researchers had not been quite sure about the extent of his writings until the last few years, when stylistic analyses indicated that he had helped Shakespeare adapt both Measure for Measure and Macbeth. As Gary Taylor writes about the once forgotten playwright: “The first attempt to put him back together again was made by the Rev Alexander Dyce in 1840. Dyce’s edition immediately established Middleton as a major playwright, but it also attributed to him some mediocre work by other people, omitted some of his best work, and seriously distorted his biography…” See Gary Taylor, “The Orphan Playwright,” The Guardian Online, www.theguardian.com/books/2007/nov/17/classics.theatre (accessed 20 January 2020).
[4] Anthony Munday was another writer who had to be saved from anonymity by modern researchers. Quoting I. A. Shapiro: “If we may trust the scanty contemporary references to him, Anthony Mundy was one of the most prolific and successful of Elizabethan dramatists; in Francis Meres’s opinion he was also one of the best. Yet very few of his plays are known to be extant, and even those have been identified as his only in modern times.” See I. A. Shapiro, “Shakespeare and Mundy,” Shakespeare Survey 14 (1961): 25-33; 25.
On March 29, 1591, Thomas North purchased a used, 1582-edition of his Dial of Princes for 5 shillings, signing the back and dating the purchase—a copy now kept at the Cambridge University Library. Then he began rereading or skimming certain sections, skipping from here to there, underscoring certain lines and passages, and adding various notes in the margins. A study of this marginalia helps confirm that North used this edition as his own personal research-storehouse and workbook for adding new material to his Arden of Feversham and The Taming of the Shrew. North also made use of it during his original penning of Macbeth. Not coincidentally, all three plays focus on fierce and (nearly) indomitable wives.
Many independent lines of evidence indicate North first wrote Arden of Feversham, the true-crime tragedy about his half-sister and brother-in-law, in 1556-8.[1] But it resurfaced again, perhaps with Shakespeare’s theater company, in the late 1580s to early 1590s, clearly influencing other playwrights from that time period, especially Thomas Kyd and John Lyly. It was then first published in 1592. North’s marginalia show indisputable connections to this publication, suggesting a final touch-up at this time, especially the addition of certain scenes.
North’s markings begin early in the book, even in the prologue and table of contents. Importantly, out of a large table-of-contents listing 177 chapters (and running 13 pages), North only adds notes to only three of those listed chapter-titles. All three of these chapters and their titles are relevant to his plays. In one of these examples (see figure below), North has underlined a subtitle that North also wrote out in the margin – the same subtitle he would then use within the year, with very little change, for his publication of Arden of Feversham:
As shown on the page on the left, North writes out the subtitle of one of his chapters, “The great malice and little pacience of an evil woman.” The full subtitle that he has also partially underlined reads: “Wherein is expressed the great malice and little patience of an evil woman.” (On this same page, there is another marginal note—“Livia”—but that is merely correcting a mistake: “of Libia.”)
The dating of North’s purchase of this copy of “The Dial” –1591–as well as the dating of one of the marginalia as 1592 helps determine a likely date for these markings. This is the same the same year that Arden of Feversham (1592) was published anonymously. As clear, the tragedy reused this same subtitle with little change:
North’s Dial: “Wherein is expressed the great malice and little patience of an evil woman.” Arden subtitle: “Wherein is shewed the great malice and dissimulation of a wicked woman.”
This is not a coincidence. It is essentially the same 13-word line, maintaining the same rhythm throughout, and includes a mere three substituted terms. If you were to search Google and its more than 130 trillion webpages for all known books, essays, blogs, articles, etc., that include something like these two lines, you only get The Dial and Arden of Feversham. Indeed, the wording is so peculiar that even if you just search for the shared opening of the subtitle, placing the phrase “wherein is” within 10 words of “the great malice,”you still only get these two results.[2] The figure on the left shows a screen-capture of this Google search, with a column of text boxes added for clarity. The same search on EEBO also only yields The Dial and Arden of Feversham.
In other words, as far as it is possible to tell, no one else has ever put those words together—not in the sixteenth century, not in the seventeenth century, and not since—no one, that is, except for Thomas North and the author of the tragedy about his half-sister.
And remarkably, North also underlines this subtitle and requotes it in the margin of his own copy of The Dial in the same year the play is published.
Moreover, these same chapters that North highlights in the table-of-contents include still other passages that he marked and then worked into Arden of Feversham. For example, in one passage that he highlights with a vertical line running along the margin, and in which he underlines the opening sentences, Marcus Aurelius, the main mouthpiece of North’s translation, complains to his troublesome wife, Faustine, that in most cases, religious teachings and concern for reputation are often enough to keep women virtuous.
But, he says, “if the fear of the Gods, the infamy of the person, and the speech of men do not restrain the woman, all the chastisements of the world will not make her refrain from vice” (149v). Previously, in the beginning of this same chapter, Aurelius counsels Faustine against being “deeply rooted in vices” (147). Thus, in the opening of scene 4 of Arden of Feversham, as Arden talks with his friend Franklin about the uncontrollable Alice, he makes this exact same point about his wife and uses the same language:
Clearly, this is a unique parallel. Just an EEBO search for a juxtaposition of fear of God (or fear of the Gods) and speech of men yields no results other than Arden of Feversham and The Dial.
Even more incredibly, Google also only shows Arden of Feversham with no other results. The Dial does not turn up because of its use of archaic spelling–“if the feare of the gods.” In contrast, Arden of Feversham appears because many published editions include modernized spelling. However, when we try a Google search for “feare of” within 20 words of “speech of men,” we find only The Dial of Princes and two older editions of Arden of Feversham:
Moreover, the passages share still other conspicuous resemblances. For example, chastisement is a synonym for reprehension, and both are followed by make(s) her…vice. Each passage also makes the same distinctive point.
The playwright has necessarily recalled a passage from North’s translation when writing about North’s half-sister, a passage that North himself had marked in the margins and that appears in a chapter that North had highlighted in the table of contents.
[1] All the evidence related to North’s original authorship of Arden of Feversham –including the fact that this was the cause of his disinheritance and that he got the idea for the play’s final miracle from a story he recorded during his 1555 trip to Italy—has been presented in lectures or at Shakespeare conferences and will be discussed in detail in future works.
[2] A quick way to determine that The Dial of Princes is indeed the only other work to juxtapose these phrases is to subtract out all results that include the word “Arden.” One can use a dash, or minus sign, to do this. That is, enter: “wherein is” AROUND “the great malice” -Arden.